Anxious Hindu masculinities in colonial North India: shuddhi and sangathan movements.
Hinduism (Research)
Philosophy of religion (Research)
Gupta, Charu
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Name: Cross Currents Publisher: Association for Religion and Intellectual Life Audience: Professional Format: Newsletter Subject: Education Copyright: COPYRIGHT 2011 Association for Religion and Intellectual Life ISSN: 0011-1953
Date: Dec, 2011 Source Volume: 61 Source Issue: 4
Geographic Scope: India

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Studies on masculinity in India have flowered only recently. (1) The study of men is as vital for gender analysis as that of the ruling classes for class analysis. (2) Religious identities particularly have emerged as a critical arena of masculinity studies, including in India. But the privileging of the heterosexual male occurs in a wide range of caste and ethnic groups in South Asia in diverse forms. Significant works have revealed how the male body was constructed in colonial discourse, contrasting the manly British with the effeminate colonial subject. (3) In present-day India, links have been made between the growth of the Hindu Right, assertions of masculinity and violence. However, contemporary articulations of a militant Hindu masculinity and community have historical roots, especially in the colonial period. This article explores the intermeshing of Hindu religious identities, violence, caste, and assertions of masculinities in colonial north India. It does so by particularly focusing on the shuddhi movement (purification; conversion from other religions to Hinduism and reclamation of lower castes into the Hindu caste hierarchy) and the sangathan movement (organization; community defense) in the United Provinces (present-day Uttar Pradesh, henceforth UP), which were launched by the Arya Samaj, an activist Hindu revivalist and reformist movement founded in 1875.

In colonial India, manhood emerged as a national preoccupation. Colonialism justified itself through masculine images, and nationalism worked out its own versions of it, expressing individual concerns to collective anxieties over the nation's manliness and femaleness. Masculinity was expressed in various ways: from Vivekananda to Gandhi, from Sana tan Dharmists to Arya Samajists, from notions of brahmacharya (celibacy) to the images of a warrior Krishna. All these images overwhelmingly constructed national manhood as Hindu and that too upper caste. This article extends these formations by revealing how religious markers and discourses became an important ground for strengthening high-caste Hindu masculine supremacy and community identities. I am not con cerned here so much about the details of shuddhi and sangathan movements themselves; rather I wish to focus on how masculinity became an important motif in them implicitly and explicitly.

Power in the colonial context was not absolute and hegemonic but fluid, dynamic, and situational. While the colonized were influenced by versions of masculinity perpetuated by the British, they often crafted themselves in ingenious ways from within. A section of the Hindus particularly not only altered and reified definitions of Hinduism but also remolded versions of the Hindu past, including masculine images and gender identities, at this time, with excessive emphasis on physical prowess. They were a product of the changing dynamics of community politics at this period, in which new definitions of Hinduism were being worked out, in combination with and in reaction to pre-colonial legacies and colonial influences. While there had been previous attempts to highlight expressions of Hinduism as a martial religion, they became much more aggressive and influential in UP in the 1920s in the wake of shuddhi and sangathan movements. Gender became an important means of contributing to sharper divisions between Hindus and Muslims. There were attempts to construct a new full-bodied, masculine Hindu male through these movements, who could at once strengthen community identity and undertake a militant nationalist struggle. At times, even Hindu women were called upon to take on a masculine imagery in defense of community honor. Hindu men and women were defined first and fore most as members of a community and then invested with "masculine" ideals.

From Malabar to Malkanas: The Context

During the 1920s, in the immediate wake of the decline of the Non-Cooperation and Khilafat movements, (4) the Hindu reformist, religious and communal organizations gained a new urgency in UP and became more aggressive and influential. As part of their community- and nation-making rhetoric, the Arya Samaj and the Hindu Mahasabha (all-India Hindu body founded in 1915) launched the program of shuddhi and sangathan on a large scale in 1923. Hindu publicists (5) saw in the Khilafat movement and the Moplah rebellion of Malabar (6) the threat of a united and militant Muslim population poised to wipe out the Hindus and their culture. To an extent, the Arya Samaj and Hindu Mahasabha in UP were the creation of urban, educated, middle-class leaders, the same men who had been the pioneers of the Congress. Thus, in this period, the sense of religious caste and community identity was far more widespread and more keenly marked than ever before. There was a spate of Hindu-Muslim riots from 1923 onward in UP, far greater than any other province of India. Sectarian Hindu organizations attained a new importance, and conversions were challenged in an organized manner through sangathan and shuddhi. The political energies of the Hindu reform movement were harnessed for a more militant and martial public expression.

The Moplah rebellion especially gave Hindu organizations an opportunity to argue for consolidation. Stories of forcible conversions, rape, and abduction of Hindu women by Moplahs were given particular prominence. In UP, a large number of tracts emerged, giving vivid descriptions of what had supposedly happened in Malabar. (7) This orchestrated campaign revealed that the Hindu organizations sought to use the revolts for wider political mobilization of an all-India character. Swami Shraddhan and (8) seized this opportunity to launch the shuddhi campaign in UP to reclaim the "victims" and protect the "faithful." The Arya Samaj made a determined bid to convert the Muslim Malkana Rajputs of Western UP to Hinduism. (9) Many tracts and poems were written around this. For example, an Arya Samajist tract took on the voice of a Malkana and stated:

The efforts of the Arya Samaj were facilitated by resolutions of orthodox Hindu groups that gave their approval to shuddhi. The Hindu Mahasabha decided to support shuddhi in its Banaras session held in August 1923. (11) Some of the decisions taken at this meeting were important: Samaj Sewak Dais (groups for social service) should be formed to encourage physical culture among the Hindus; the advancement of sangathan is necessary for the progress of the community; shuddhi should be recognized and extended to an agreement that all converts of whatever caste should be admitted to their former caste. The campaign developed with remarkable speed, and the shuddhi enthusiasts claimed a large number of converts, especially among the Malkanas. (12) However, though the orthodox Hindu groups had accepted shuddhi in principle, there were strong caste tensions in the movement. For example, many local Rajputs (great Hindu military and landholding caste of north India) refused to admit the converted Malkanas into full brotherhood. The reconverted lower castes were often not entitled to wear the sacred thread, to learn the Vedas and to inter-dine. (13) However, we will see that when it came to questions of Hindu woman's chastity or constructions of Muslim lustfulness, a superficial unanimity was swiftly established.

Gandhi was quite critical of these movements as he perceived that they would sharpen communal division. The movements were motivated far less by the desire to promote religious values than by strong anti-Muslim passion. The communal character of these movements has already been discussed, (14) but little note has been taken of their gendered messages. Shuddhi and sangathan were attempts to transform the traditional religious identities into modern political ones and, in the process, gender became a critical factor. They constructed a full-bodied Hindu masculine man in opposition to past images of an emasculated/effeminate Hindu male. This was seen as a reply to both the colonialists and the Muslims. It also served as a powerful tool to argue for unity among the Hindu community. Simultaneously, shuddhi and sangathan evoked the specter of Muslim masculinity as "negative," with the Muslim male emerging as rapist and abductor. They also revealed an obsession with Hindu female chastity and purity; women were to be protected from the "other" by invoking Hindu masculinity.

Evoking Hindu Male Prowess, Community, and Nation

Shuddhi and sangathan derived one of their main strengths by constantly conjuring up notions of Hindu masculinity. Hindu publicists bemoaned the present pathetic state of Hindus who were portrayed as living carcasses and cowardly. The Hindu male body had been mutilated and stripped of its traditional martial activities by colonial efforts of pacification and demilitarization. This was contrasted to a mythical construction of Hindu masculinity, especially of brave Rajputs and Marathas in the past. Certain legends became charged with contemporary political significance and appropriated for the creation of a new narrative. These then penetrated the unconscious and become part of the received wisdom. A large number of tracts, especially in early twentieth century, elaborated Rajput and Maratha tales of resistance. Maharana Pratap and Shivaji became the lead models of the time. (15) Shuddhi and sangathan claimed a restoration of that masculinity. The emphasis on Malkanas was linked to the felt need to draw in Rajputs, who are associated with the culture of physical prowess. Conversion from Hinduism represented loss of power, weakness and misery. Shuddhi represented a reversal of this loss and a restoration of masculine power to the Hindu male. Many poems highlighted this:

These movements repeatedly asked Hindus to avenge humiliation, regain courage and become warriors of a proud Hindu race. Physical prowess was seen as a remedy for surrender, loss, and defeat. The newspaper Abhudaya stated, "It cannot be gainsaid that sangathan is a sine non for eradicating the evil effects of years of emasculated existence of the Hindus and infusing manliness into them." (18) Principles of non-violence were attacked: "The sermon of non-violence has emasculated the Hindu nation. ... We do not need Gandhi's advice. We have to follow the teachings of Lord Krishna." (19) Another article claimed: "There is one solution to Hindu-Muslim problem. The Hindus must bundle in a corner their glorious religion of non-violence and organize their society from today until they are able to present before the oppressors and hooligans their Indian prototype who will give blow for blow with equal mercilessness." (20) The ingenious way in which Gandhi was inverting notions of femininity and masculinity by his emphasis upon "feminine" strength was not the answer sought by the militant Hindu organizations. Disgust with the supposed image of a tolerant and peaceful Hindu was obvious here, and it was replaced with the image of a self-reliant militant hero.

One of the stated aims of the Hindu Mahasabha was to "improve the physique of the Hindus and promote martial spirit amongst them by establishing military schools and organizing volunteer corps." (21) The Mahasabha should have provincial, district, and village branches to arrange for compulsory physical education of the Hindus. (22) A critical tract of the times, which went into multiple editions, described ways to increase the physical strength of Hindus by having akharas (gymnasiums) operating in every area for regular body-building, wrestling, and stick fighting competitions to take place, so that Kshatriya (warrior) dharma could be made popular. (23) Many Hindu akharas flourished with sangathan. For the militant Hindu organizations, the show of physical strength was their psychological defense against and a reply to the images of powerful rational British colonialists and lustful Muslims.

Sangathan could also serve as nationalistic rhetoric and a powerful force for consolidation among the Hindu community. Sangathan ka Bigul stated: "The protection of Hindu community is the most important question at present. ... We have to search for new ways to make the Hindu community powerful. ... We have to bring together all parts of the community to make it a solid whole." (24) Hindi vernacular newspapers of all shades of opinion emphasized the need for organization among Hindus. Unity among various sections and classes of Hindus was more important than Hindu-Muslim unity. Distinctiveness and identity were thereby deepened. V. D. Savarkar, the leader of the Hindu Mahasabha, later observed, "In a country like India where a religious unity tends inevitably to grow into a cultural and national unity, the shuddhi movement ceases to be merely theological or dogmatic, but assumes the wider significance of a political and national movement." (25) Sangathan therefore added to religious dogma a politicized idea of the nation rooted in Hindu community. Thus, a dominant current of the movement was the political advance of the Hindu body politic. Implicit was the assumption that conversion to Hinduism was an act of nationalism. The only true patriot was a Hindu, and for those who were not, shuddhi was the answer.

Hindu Woman as Sister-in-Arms

The Hindu woman was often depicted as a victim of Muslim aggression. However, at certain moments, images of masculinity were extended to her and she was empowered as an agent of violence. Legends and myths of brave Rajput, Aryan, and Kshatriya women of the past were invoked through many tracts. (26) It was emphasized that in order to defend their honor and chastity, Hindu women had often taken to arms, especially against the Muslims. She was now told that in order to preserve her honor, she had to be a part of sangaihan, a sister-in-arms. The figure of the "sister" as a desexualized woman helped the idea of an activist masculinity. Sangaihan ka Bigul especially addressed itself to sisters:

It was suggested that every Hindu girl should keep a dagger so that no Muslim could dishonor her. Cartoons were published portraying Hindu women as goddesses armed with swords and spears, who were killing Muslims. Some women members of the Arya Samaj gave anti-Muslim speeches, almost warlike in tone. (28) These women were participants in the public sphere and were acting like men. Power was handed to the powerless. The construct of Hindu woman as "victim" also empowered her. Sangathan and shuddhi therefore gave scope for two distinct but not mutually exclusive possibilities. The figure of woman was invoked as a marker for the defense of the community. As repositories of community honor, Hindu women's chastity had to be safeguarded by men of their communities. However, women themselves could also take on militant activism, an ideal different from patient suffering advocated by Gandhi. The sister-in-arms, however, was simultaneously con strained by male standards of cultural behavior. The two faces of women as victims and as agents became complementary, demonstrating that female agency is not necessarily progressive.

Conceiving the "Other": Abductions Campaigns and the Lustful Muslim Male Hindu masculinity had to be built in opposition to the "other." Thus, Muslim masculinity was constructed as negative, and the specter of the sexually charged, lustful Muslim male was evoked aggressively in this period. The trend had been discernible in UP since the nineteenth century, when certain cultural stereotypes of the Muslim were created in the writings of many leading Hindi authors, who often portrayed medieval Muslim rule as a chronicle of rape and abduction of Hindu women. Lecherous behavior, high sexual appetites, a life of luxury and religious fanaticism were seen as the dominant traits of Muslim characters. In early twentieth century, a section of Hindus, especially those belonging to the Arya Samaj, wrote a string of "politically obscene" literature, aimed at slandering Islam, the Prophet Muhammad and Muslim rulers. At times, the British too supported such political obscenities in print, as they often fulfilled the needs of both Hindus and British from different perspectives. For example, a history textbook Itihas Timirnasak, authorized by the UP government for use in vernacular and Anglo-vernacular schools in the early 1860s, contained vivid descriptions of the debauchery of many Muslim rulers.

In keeping with this reconstruction of a negative image of Muslim rulers, the evil practices prevalent in Hindu society, especially concerning women, were attributed to the Muslim interregnum in India. A common viewpoint developed through various tracts, history books, stories and essays, whereby the purdah system, sari, child marriage and, in fact, all social evils were attributed to the "lecherous character" of Muslims. These writers reconstituted the past to suit the needs of the present, using real and invented histories. Chronicle and imagination mingled in their texts. There were a phenomenal number of polemical tracts, published chiefly by the Arya Samaj, especially in the 1920s, decrying Islam and the Quran. (29) The Prophet Muhammad, for example, was accused of destructive masculinity, gross sensuality, and low sexual morals.

Stereotypes of licentious Muslim rulers and villains and the debauchery of the Prophet were further extended to the ordinary Muslim male. Lechery, abduction, and conversion were not just extraordinary events, or a thing of the bad medieval past, but average fellow Muslims in the present were depicted as being involved. There was a proliferation in this period of popular inflammatory and demagogic appeals as never before based on stories of atrocities against Hindu women ranging from allegations of rape, aggression and abduction to luring, conversion and forced marriage by Muslim males. The image of the violent and virile Muslim gained significance, further justifying shuddhi and sangathan. In 1923, Madan Mohan Malaviya, the President of Hindu Mahasabha, made one of the first attempts to create a history of present-day abductions:

The abduction campaigns condemned Muslim men, who were seen as showing scant respect for Hindu women. Muslim virility was read as uncontrollable and therefore had to be censured. Muslims were depicted as waylaying Hindu women at wells, at hospitals, at neighborhoods. In the 1920s, many communal pamphlets were distributed, meetings held and rumors spread in various towns of UP, alleging abduction of Hindu women by Muslim men. A poem written at the time and later banned stated:

To counter the moral blight of Hindu women at the hands of the inscrutable Muslims, Hindu society was urged to change its ways and become more aggressive. The abducted Hindu woman was metamorphosed into a symbol of both sacredness and humiliation, and hence standing in for the victimization of the Hindu community. Provocative tracts appeared, exclusively around the Hindu female victim and the Muslim male abductor. (32) The abducted woman was a potential site of outrage of family order and religious sentiment, carrying the fear of the Muslim into every Hindu home and strengthening the drive for Hindu male prowess. The virility of the community came to hinge upon defending women's honor. Branches of Mahabir Dal (Group of the Brave) were set up in UP for this purpose. Hindu communal organizations argued forcefully that protection of "our" women justified any steps. Images of a ferociously intolerant, sexually predatory Muslim male and of vulnerable Hindu women were constructed, inviting Hindus to become equally ferocious. A self-image of a community at war was created. Allegations of abductions caused a number of localized affrays and even occasional riots, where Hindus united against Muslims.

The abduction stories also illustrate the remarkable aptitude shown by the Hindu communalists in a range of media to propagate the image of the lustful Muslim male. Leading Hindi newspapers and magazines of the time were active supporters of shuddhi and sangathan and closely aligned with Hindu publicists. From 1923 on, a growing number of supposed cases of abduction of Hindu women were regularly reported in the local newspapers. What suited the dominant pattern became significant news; what was uncomfortable was either not stated or relegated to the inside pages. Headlines served the purpose of dramatizing the various abduction stories and played a further inflammatory role. Their repetitiveness provided a continuous stream of stories of abductions, the particular details of which would be far too complicated for the reader to remember. These stories produced a master narrative of Muslim aggression and Hindu women's seizure. Common headlines included "Communal Tension in Court Compound: Alleged Conversion of Hindu Girl"; "Azamgarh: Lalita Devi's Kidnapping Case"; "Unprecedented Communal Interest"; "Sinful Act of a Muslim"; "Muslim Abducted a Hindu Woman." (33) Individual cases moved readily from the particular to the general. In complex and subtle ways, the newspapers defined, constructed and sustained these stories, thus offering a platform where these ideas were articulated, worked on, transformed, elaborated and popularized in a vivid vernacular. Propagating stories of abductions, both in the newspapers and in everyday conversation fed by them, sustained abductions as an active cultural and therefore political issue.

Lawyers and courts provided additional public spaces in which abduction spectacles could be produced, and newspapers showed a lively interest in court proceedings. A sensation case shook Kanpur in 1938, when Bimla Devi, a high-caste Hindu girl belonging to an influential family of a lawyer, eloped with the son of a prominent Muslim merchant, embraced Islam and duly married the boy. In the ensuing scandal and tensions, the courts, lawyers, and the press played a central role. (34) A charge of abduction was brought against the boy. After some weeks, the girl was discovered. Pending the trial of the criminal case, her father made a claim to custody of the girl under the civil law. In a brilliant legal performance, Bijendra Swamp, a leading lawyer of Kanpur and one of the stalwarts of the UP Arya Samaj, secured custody of the girl on behalf of her parents. She was reconverted to Hinduism through shuddhi. Swarup even managed to arrange her wedding to a "suitable" Hindu man! Bimla Devi herself was never allowed to appear in the court. Gossip and rumors added spice to abduction stories and helped in the growth of a collective Hindu body. These stories combined to produce a mind-set among a section of Hindus of criminalized Muslim masculinity.

Muslim Woman and Hindu Masculinity

The relationship between Hindu male and Muslim woman, in contrast, was portrayed such that it upheld Hindu masculinity as positive and heroic. Any Hindu male who managed to attract the love of a Muslim woman was glorified as an ultimate hero. Novels written or translated in Hindi at this time upheld this view. The most famous was Shivaji va Roshanara, a supposed historical story from an unspecified source, embodying the Maratha tradition that Shivaji waylaid Roshanara, the daughter of Aurangzeb, and eventually married her. (35) The novel reads like a passionate love story, where the body of Shivaji, the central figure in the Hindu communalist construction of medieval Indian history, is described in vivid detail. His dramatic entry in front of the seventeen-year-old Roshanara is as a handsome specimen of manhood with a well-built body, fair complexion, and bright eyes. Expectedly, she slowly falls in love with him. At one point the novel states, "Roshanara started preferring and was happier being called the queen of the small king than being called the daughter of the emperor." Hindu men were exhorted to follow Shivaji's example.

In 1926, Pandey Becan Sharma Ugra, one of the leading dramatic writers of the time, wrote Chand Hasinon ki Khutut, a sensational romance between a Hindu boy and a Muslim girl. (36) It proved to be one of the best sellers of 1927 in Hindi, and it was said that every college student had a copy of it amidst her or his course books. The novel appeared when stories about abduction were afloat. In such times, a tale of love between a Hindu man and a Muslim woman could reveal the strength of the Hindu male. The novel ends with Nargis, the Muslim girl, becoming a Hindu and deciding to campaign against Muslim culture. Stories of love and romance between a Hindu man and a Muslim woman provided titillation and a sense of elation to the Hindu male. There was a thrill in seeing the Muslim heroine fall at the feet of the Hindu hero. It endorsed images of heroism without villainy, bravery without cowardice, and romance without abduction. It signified control, subjugation, and victory over the Muslim women, made all the more potent because it did not involve the use of force or coercion. The point made was that Hindu masculinity incorporated Muslim women for something better, as opposed to Muslims abducting Hindu women forcibly.


The shuddhi and sangathan movements and the various campaigns that developed around them reveal that myths of the past and older traditions of religiosity were employed for the construction of masculinities. As we have seen, Hindu masculinity was not a stable category but responsive to its cultural, historical, social, and political embeddedness. Notions of Hindu masculinity that came to dominate the discourse of the time simultaneously addressed several concerns: they called on castes to reconvert to Hinduism in order to restore their "masculine" glory, urged Hindu women to adopt masculine traits and to become agents of violence in certain circumstances, condemned Muslim masculinity as dangerous and negative, and upheld Hindu masculinity as positive and necessary. These notions revealed not only a hardening of religious community identities through a language of masculinity but also exposed the destructive potential of militant Hindu assertions, including those that were forged in the crucible of anti-imperialist and nationalist struggle.


(1.) Delhi: Women Unlimited.

(2.) R. W. Connell, 1995, Masculinities, Berkeley: University of California Press.

(3.) A. Nandy, 1983, The Intimate Enemy: Loss and Recovery of Self under Colonialism, Delhi, Oxford University Press; M. Sinha, 1995, Colonial Masculinity: The "Manly" Englishman and the "Effeminate" Bengali in the Late Nineteenth Century, Manchester: Manchester University Press.

(4.) Khilafat was a pan-Islamic movement of Indian Muslims (1919-1924) to save the Ottoman Empire. In 1920, there was an alliance between Khilafat leaders and the Indian National Congress, and the movement became a part of India's freedom struggle, particularly the non-cooperation movement, which was launched between 1920-1922 by Gandhi.

(5.) I use the term "Hindu publicists" to signify those who used the public media consciously or unconsciously to promulgate a particular "Hindu" point of view, and who, through their activities and writings, asserted community differences and communal antagonisms, though from different perspectives and standpoints.

(6.) An uprising in 1921 against British authorities and Hindu landlords in the Malabar region of India, led by Mappila Muslims, who were mostly tenants.

(7.) A series of thin tracts written by Bishan Sharma, and called Malabar ka Drishya No. 1: Drin Sankalp Vir, Malabar ka Drishya No. 2: Satyawati Vimla ki Pukar and Malabar ka Drishya No. 3: Bhole Swami ka Dusht Naukar were published by Chuttanlal Swami from Meerut in 1923, and distributed free in UP. Another popular tract was Satyavrat Sharma, Malabar our Arya Samaj, Agra, 1923, 3rd ed.

(8.) Swami Shraddhanand (1856-1926) was an Arya Samaj leader, who played a key role in shuddhi/sangathan movements.

(9.) The Malkanas were scattered through a large number of villages in the Mathura, Agra, Etah and Mainpuri districts of UP. Nearly all of them reported themselves to be Muslims in the decennial census of 1911, Census of India, 1911, UP, Vol. XV, Part I, Allahabad, 1912.

(10.) Ramswarup Sharma, 1924, Malkanon ki Pukar, Agra.

(11.) J. T. F. Jordens, 1981, Swami Shraddhananda: His Life and Causes, Delhi: Oxford University Press.

(12.) 66/VI/1924, Home Poll, National Archives of India (henceforth NAI).

(13.) 25 May 1923, Home Poll, NAI.

(14.) See for example, R. K. Ghai, 1990, Shuddhi Movement in India: A Study of Its Socio-political Dimensions, Delhi: Commonwealth Publishers; J. F. Seunarine, 1977, Reconversion to Hinduism through Shuddhi, Madras: Christian Literature Society; Kenneth W. Jones, 1976, Arya Dharm: Hindu Consciousness in Nineteenth Century Punjab, Berkeley: University of California Press; Sandria B. Freitag, 1989, Collective Action and Community: Public Arenas and the Emergence of Communalism in North India, Berkeley: University of California Press, pp. 230-41; Gyanendra Pandey, 1978, The Ascendancy of the Congress in UP, 1926-34: A Study in Imperfect Mobilisation, Delhi: Oxford University Press, pp. 115-17.

(15.) Maharana Pratap was a Hindu Rajput ruler of sixteenth century, who has been regarded as an epitome of fiery Rajput pride. Shivaji was a Maratha king who fought against the Mughals and attempted to establish the rule of Hindus.

(16.) Bandhusamaj, 1927, Hinduon ki Tez Talwar, Kanpur.

(17.) Gaurishankar Shukl Chaudhry, 1928, Kya Swami Shraddhanand Apradhi The?, Kanpur.

(18.) Abhudaya, 8 August 1924.

(19.) Sudharak, 27 September 1924.

(20.) Leader, 11 April 1925.

(21.) 206/1926, Home Poll, NAI.

(22.) Kartavya, 23 September 1922.

(23.) Swami Satyadev Paribrajak, 1926, Sangathan ka Bigul 3rd ed., Dehradun. The book was very popular and was sold at numerous meetings and abstracts read from it.

(24.) Ibid.

(25.) V. D. Savarkar. 1944, "The Hindu Mahasabha," The Indian Year Book 1942-43, Bombay.

(26.) Hari Das Manik, 1916, Bharat ki Kshatrani, Kashi; Harisharad Tiwari, 1927, Padma ki Paini Talvar, Kanpur; Jagdishprasad Tiwari, 1932, Turkon par Tara ki Talwarf 10th ed., Kanpur.

(27.) Paribrajak, Sangathan.

(28.) Police Abstracts of Intelligence of UP, 14 June 1924.

(29.) Shiv Sharma Updeshak, 1924, Musaimani ki Zindagani, Moradabad; Lekhram, 1924, Jihad, Quran va Islami Khunkhari, Etawah; Anon, 1927, Quran ki Khuni Ayaten, Banaras.

(30.) Patriot, 24 October 1924.

(31.) Raghuvar Dayalu, 1928, Chand Musalmanon ki Harkaten, Kanpur.

(32.) Suraj Prasad Mishra, 1924, Hindu Auraton ki Loot, Lucknow; Ganga Prasad Upadhyaya (ed.), 1927, Hindu Striyon ki Loot ke Karan, Allahabad.

(33.) Leader, 30 September 1938; Bharat Dharma, 5 August, 1924; Abhyudaya, 3 February 1923.

(34.) See Leader, Pioneer, Vartman, Aaj, Pratap between September 1938 to February 1939.

(35.) Kalicharan Sharma, 1926, Shivaji va Roshanara, 3rd ed., Bareilly.

(36.) Pandey Becan Sharma Ugra, 1927, Chand Hasinon ke Khutut, Calcutta.
We bear the top-knot and the sacred thread, we are known as
twice-born Kshatriyas. We show the world that we are the
devotees of cows and Brahmins. Whoever will not perform
shuddhi this time, will always remain corrupt and the world
will condemn him (10).

Hindus rise, why are you bearing pain. What worries
load you down and defeat you? You live without courage
in vain. You are unnecessarily delaying shuddhi. Your
masculinity was once praised in the whole world but
alas you are making yourself weak today (16).

Another poem stated:

Hindus, you must leave off cowardice and come to the
field and do something. You are the descendants of
the brave and you have to show your bravery. You are
the strongest of all and you have to show your prowess
through shuddhi and sangathan (17).

Every sister who joins the army of this revolution
called sangathan should definitely have a sharp knife
with her which she can use whenever she needs. The
knife should be made like household knives, which can
be used immediately. Every sister should practice for
ten to fifteen minutes with this knife. And this can
easily be done by cutting various fruits like custard
apple and water melon. It is a prime religious duty of
all the women who enter the army of sangathan to be able
to defend their chastity and honor (27).

Hardly a day passes without our noticing a case or two
  of kidnapping of Hindu women and children by not only
  Muslim scoundrels, but also by Muslim men of standing
  and means. ... The worst feature of this evil is that
  the Hindus do not stir themselves over this daylight
  robbery of their national stock. ... There must be no
  mincing of matters or winking at hard facts in this
  matter of vital importance to the Hindu community. (30)

Dear Aryans, why are you sleeping calmly? Muslims
  will never be your companions. Since we have launched
  shuddhi and sangathan,  they have been jealous of us.
  They are making new schemes to increase their population
  and to make people Muslims. They roam with carts in
  cities and villages and take away our women, who are
  put under the veil and made Muslim. (31)
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