Introduction
The diversity of the current student body in higher education poses
new challenges in regard to engagement of students from refugee
backgrounds for whom the university may be a culturally alienating place
(Krause et al., 2005). One of the challenges that academics face is the
paucity of research in relation to students from refugee backgrounds in
Australia; in particular, the absence of literature on the learning
styles and academic needs of African and Middle Eastern students.
In the past decade, issues of student diversity have moved from the
periphery to become central concerns of higher education institutions
(Brown, 2004). Increasing globalisation presents new opportunities and
challenges for higher education institutions internationally (Hanassab,
2006). Research indicates that facilitating the early engagement of
students with their studies and campus life has shown to lead to greater
student satisfaction and improved rates of retention (Krause et al.,
2005).The challenge remains how to provide engagement opportunities to
students from refugee backgrounds for whom the university culture in
Australia is often a very foreign one.
This article reports on a study that was undertaken with students
from refugee backgrounds from Africa and the Middle East who currently
attend or have recently graduated from Curtin University of Technology
in Western Australia and Monash University, Deakin University and the
Royal Melbourne Institute of Technology (RMIT) in Victoria. Using a
needs-analysis approach, the specific learning needs and educational
experiences of this unique student cohort were ascertained and
student-derived recommendations proposed to provide better support to
students from refugee backgrounds.
Background and theoretical underpinnings
Australian humanitarian intake
Refugee migration to Australia in the last decade has two
interesting trends that directly reflect enrolment patterns of students
from refugee backgrounds in Australian universities. Refugee statistics
in the last decade have been dominated by entrants from African
backgrounds and by young entrants. In 2007-2008, a total of 10,799
resettlement visas were granted under the offshore component of
Australia's Humanitarian program, comprising 6,004 Refugee visas
and 4,795 Special Humanitarian Program visas (Department of Immigration
and Citizenship, 2008). In this cohort of entrants, refugees from
African countries comprised a total of 30.5 per cent of the total
offshore intake.
From 2001 to 2006, African nations accounted for five out of the
top 10 humanitarian group entrants to Australia, led each year except
2001 by Sudan. From 2002 to 2007, a total of 84 per cent of humanitarian
visa entrants were between the ages of 16 and 35 years. Western
Australia alone has settled 4,688 African humanitarian entrants between
2002 to 2006, with 60 per cent of these entrants under the age of 19
(Department of Immigration and Citizenship, 2008). From 2007 to 2008,
immigration statistics changed dramatically, with Burma, Iran and
Afghanistan comprising the highest visa intakes, a trend that may shift
the profile of students from refugee backgrounds at universities in
Australia over the next few years.
Refugee youth in Australia
The needs of refugee youth are complex and multifaceted requiring a
coordinated approach among educational institutions, families,
communities and service agencies. The results of the study by Earnest,
Housen and Gillieatt (2007) revealed that educational institutions are
the settings in which many of the hopes of refugee youth materialise.
Young people from refugee backgrounds find educational institutions a
safe environment; they enjoy learning and the routine that educational
institutions provide. Australian and overseas literature highlight the
importance of bringing health and social service providers into
educational institutions, recognising educational institutions as a
powerful resource for refugee youth and their families (Bond et al.,
2007).
Recent Australian research has shown that students from
disadvantaged backgrounds are confronted by a complex web of factors
that influence students' decisions to withdraw from higher
education (Joyce et al., 2010). Other studies have demonstrated that
early engagement of students with their studies and campus community
life can lead to greater psychosocial well-being, student satisfaction,
better performance and improved retention rates within the university
(Earnest, Housen & Gillieatt, 2007; Silburn et al., 2010). Strong
educational programs inclusive of educational staff, communities and
families have been shown to increase psychosocial well-being and
educational outcomes for students from refugee backgrounds (Silburn et
al., 2010). The decision-making processes of refugee youth, the external
influences regarding commencing and completing tertiary education in
Australia and, in particular, the role that educational institutions can
play in improving their adjustment and future outcomes need to be
examined. Refugee youth continue to face challenges within the
educational system, such as disrupted schooling and an inflexible
education system within Australia that often affects future study and
employment opportunities (Cassity & Gow, 2005; Olliff & Couch,
2005).There is limited research on the experiences of students from
refugee backgrounds in Australian universities available to the tertiary
education system.
Diversity in tertiary institutions: Implications for educators
Changes in the tertiary education sector have resulted in academic
staff having to accommodate a higher proportion of students from diverse
backgrounds, and tertiary institutions globally have been moving towards
greater recognition and support of diverse student groups through
bridging, foundation and fast-track programs. Educators in today's
increasingly diverse learning environments need to recognise differences
among students and promote effective communication, so that all students
(including students from refugee backgrounds) gain competencies that
assist them to successfully function in a pluralistic society
(Northedge, 2003).
The establishment of appropriate cultural and social settings is an
integral aspect of the learning process and assists in the realisation
of an individual's learning potential and future goals and hopes.
Multicultural and pluralistic nations require that particular attention
be given to students with little experience in academic communities, who
often struggle to develop an understanding of the expectations of
academic culture. Their challenge is
to develop an effective voice through which to 'speak'
the discourse, whether in writing or in class ... support in
establishing voice is a vital component of courses for students from
diverse backgrounds. (Northedge, 2003, p. 25)
There is evidence that effective educational practices, which
facilitate students' engagement, provide a boost to
under-represented and lower-achieving students commencing tertiary
education. Data from the National Survey of Student Engagement conducted
in 2006 found that student engagement activities fostering peer
collaboration could assist in overcoming previous educational
disadvantages (Wasley, 2006). The survey findings documented that there
is a strong relationship between in-depth approaches to learning and
self-reported gains in intellectual and social development (National
Survey of Student Engagement Institute, 2006). Other studies have shown
that early engagement of students with their studies and campus
community life can lead to greater psychosocial well-being, student
satisfaction, better performance and improved retention rates within the
university (Krause et al., 2005;Tinto, 2004).
Students from refugee backgrounds
Although very little is known about refugee student perspectives,
education needs, and their acculturation processes into university, the
health needs of refugee young people and adults have been reviewed in
the literature. Reviews of the health needs of refugees highlight the
atrocities and adverse events they have experienced. These include the
death of a close family member, injury and torture of family members,
bombardments and shelling, detention, beatings, physical injury,
disability inflicted by violence, sexual assault, disappearance of
family members and friends, witnessing murder or massacre, terrorist
attack, parental fear and panic, famine, forcible eviction, separation
and forced migration (Burnett & Peel, 2001; Davies & Webb, 2000;
Lustig et al.,2004).
Birman, Trickett and Vinokurov (2002) noted that, for students from
this cohort, the acculturation process has three distinct aspects:
language competence, behavioural participation and identification. These
aspects are vital for successful outcomes at university as they allow
individuals to communicate and function in differing contexts. Identity,
in particular ethnic identity, is linked to psychological and
psychosocial adjustment (Burnett & Peel, 2001; Davies & Webb,
2000).
For adolescent refugees, the educational environment is a key
context for the development of language proficiency and identity. While
a small percentage of this cohort successfully make the transition to
university, students from this group very often find the multiple
challenges of academic study, coupled with resettling in a host country
and having to adjust to new belief systems, values and mores, too
daunting. Currently, even though the numbers of students from refugee
backgrounds (resettled in Australia on humanitarian visas) in
universities is relatively small, this number is growing and educators
need to be prepared to understand diversity in student intakes and
provide the best possible opportunities for this cohort of students from
refugee backgrounds.
Refugee resettlement and educational experience
Qualitative research has revealed a number of other barriers that
refugee youth face in successfully completing secondary education. A
large qualitative study of the social and emotional well-being of young
people from culturally and linguistically diverse backgrounds in
Australia found that the supportive roles young people take at home and
issues related to disrupted or lack of education from their countries of
origin made schooling in Australia very challenging (Brough et al.,
2003). Cassity and Gow confirmed this in their study with high school
students from Southern Sudanese backgrounds living in Sydney (2005). The
difficulties of little educational background and the pressures of
supporting family here in Australia and in Sudan made schooling in
Australia extremely difficult, decreasing the likelihood of successful
transition to tertiary study that many refugee youth were hoping to
undertake.
Preliminary research at Murdoch University in Western Australia
showed that, in spite of relatively good levels of spoken English, many
students from refugee backgrounds from Africa still experience
difficulty with the transition into tertiary education. Some of the
challenges identified include developing a more critical and reflexive
learning style, applying meta-cognitive strategies, balancing learning
with earning and adapting to Australian values and systems (Box, 2007).
In recent years, the education system for refugees has tended to focus
on English language and sports, with factors that greatly influence the
students' performance and integration into the education system
often ignored. These factors include issues of poverty, stress of
resettlement, racism, discrimination and unemployment (Sidhu &
Taylor, 2007). These studies demonstrated that the learning and
psychosocial needs of students extend far beyond the needs of adequate
English language acquisition.
Australian academic culture and its unfamiliarity
Students from refugee and disadvantaged backgrounds frequently find
the culture of tertiary institutions alienating, and experience
difficulties in forming social bonds. The physical and social setting,
including the teaching and support provided by the teacher, the
behaviour of other students and the norms and expectations inherent in
the setting are key aspects of this learning and teaching culture
(Marini & Genereux cited in Volet, 1999).These students, many of
whom find universities a culturally alienating place, need to acquire
the capacity to participate in the discourses of an unfamiliar knowledge
community (Krause et al., 2005). Students who are under-prepared require
a more specific tailored induction into the university and its knowledge
communities so that they are strategically positioned and equipped to
meet these challenges.
Objectives of the study
Our study had three main objectives:
* to examine, explore and interpret the perspectives and needs of
students from refugee backgrounds engaged in tertiary education
* to document how these experiences influence personal educational
outcomes and engagement with university life and culture
* to propose student-based recommendations to universities to
improve and enhance outcomes for refugee youth.
Research design
The qualitative approach and undertaking a needs analysis
The culturally sensitive nature of the study led to an
interpretive, qualitative approach being chosen (Denzin, Lincoln &
Smith, 2008). The qualitative approach allowed for shared dialogue
between researchers and participants. We were able to draw attention to
diverse perspectives, draw conclusions from a synthesis of the results
and place the focus on the students' own perceptions, exploring the
complexities and meanings of their experiences (Liamputtong & Ezzy,
2005).
The study was conducted in Western Australia and Victoria and
commenced with a needs analysis undertaken with refugee youth using
focus group discussions and interviews. The 'voices' of the
youth were captured to provide a rich and detailed account of their
needs and experiences (Loizos, 2002).The needs analysis reported in this
article was conducted in late 2007 and 2008 in Western Australia and in
2008 in Victoria to inform the development of a CD for academics and
refugee youth to better support their needs. The needs analysis was used
to identify problems, concerns and issues faced by students from refugee
backgrounds, so that weaknesses could be considered. The needs analysis
obtained qualitative information from students about their learning
needs and their level of engagement with the university they attended.
The final analysis facilitated a better understanding of the specific
learning and social needs of students from refugee backgrounds and
helped determine the factors that enable students to feel that they
'belong' to the university community (Cohen, Manion &
Morrison, 2000).
Sampling and participant recruitment
Participants were initially pooled from community contacts that the
research team had previously established. At Curtin University, an
initial list of students on humanitarian visas was obtained from the
university's Office of Strategy and Planning. These potential
participants were screened according to the selection criteria and asked
for referrals to other potential participants if they were not eligible
to participate in the study. Snowballing and purposive sampling from
these initial contacts occurred thereafter. Very few refusals occurred,
with most participants enjoying participating in the study and referring
contacts to be included after the conclusion of their own interview.
The inclusion criteria sought participants who were currently
enrolled or had recently graduated from Monash University, Deakin
University or RMIT in Victoria, and Curtin University of Technology in
Western Australia. Participants had to have come to Australia on
humanitarian visas and were included regardless of age, course, gender,
year of study, family structure, number of years in Australia, previous
education or English proficiency before commencing tertiary education.
A total of 10 in-depth, semi-structured interviews were conducted
with six male participants and four female participants from Sudan,
Somalia, Afghanistan, Sierra Leone and Eritrea who attend Curtin
University. Of these participants, seven were over and three were under
the age of 25 years. The participants were studying education, health
promotion, public health, commerce, environmental health science,
engineering, nursing and social work. At Curtin University, all
participants were undergraduate students.
Three focus group discussions were held with nine male and five
female participants from Afghanistan and Oromia (one of nine ethnic
divisions of Ethiopia) in Victoria. The participants in the focus groups
were either currently attending university or had recently graduated
from Monash University, Deakin University or RMIT. There was a mixed
gender focus group for the Oromo participants and separate gender focus
groups for the Afghan participants as this was preferred by the
participants.
A cross-section of students from refugee backgrounds who varied in
age, gender, ethnicity, religion, course, year level and family
structure was included in the study. Prior to commencing university,
participants had varying degrees of previous education, English language
proficiency and computer literacy, all of which affected their
experiences of university learning differently. Some participants had
experienced the Australian educational system, including high school and
TAFE qualifications. Others had studied in their countries of origin and
entered education in Australia at tertiary level. Most participants
experienced disrupted education due to experiences of war, seeking
refuge in another country and resettlement in Australia.
Interview and focus group discussions
Semi-structured interviews and focus group discussions were used to
explore the perceptions and experiences of the students from refugee
backgrounds, and provided a rich and detailed set of data about
thoughts, feelings and impressions in their own words (Liamputtong &
Ezzy, 2005). Pini (2002) noted that focus group discussions provide
opportunities for reflection of the subjective experiences of everyday
life. In both the interviews and focus group discussions, conversations
flowed freely and participants were willing and felt supported to
disclose their concerns about acculturation, resettlement, financial
commitments, difficulties in obtaining suitable work and formation of
new identities.
The semi-structured in-depth interviews and focus group discussions
were guided by specific questions on topics such as background and
demographics, general university life, university teaching environment,
university social environment, university technology and administration
systems, special psychosocial or emotional needs at university, coping
strategies at university, and recommendations for future students. These
questions explored aspects of the students' learning and engagement
in university, feelings of connectedness to the university community,
factors such as use of services and technology, and attendance at
lectures and participation in tutorials. The focus group discussions and
interviews were conducted at a time and place convenient to the
participants. Interviews used open-ended questions and lasted 60
minutes. All interviews and focus group discussions were audio-recorded
and transcribed.
Ethical approval
Ethics approval for the project was obtained from the Human
Research Ethics office at Curtin University and the Standing Committee
on Ethics in Research involving Humans through Monash University. Before
starting their interview, participants were informed about the purpose
of the study, informed consent was obtained and they were advised that
they were free to withdraw from the study if necessary.
Thematic content analysis
After the interviews were completed and transcribed, thematic
content analysis was undertaken to collate and condense the information
into distinct and succinct themes and recommendations that could be used
to design and direct the remaining aims of the project (Boyatzis, 1998;
Neuendorf, 2002). The aim of the analysis was to produce a succinct and
reliable matrix of key themes (Reis & Judd, 2000). This was
important in communicating the results to participants as the summarised
themes and recommendations were provided to participants for their
feedback.The data analysis was guided by the framework approach to
analysis (Pope, Ziebland & Mays, 2000, Lacey & Luff, 2001).
There were four key stages:
* familiarisation--immersion in the raw data in order to list key
ideas and recurrent themes
* identifying a thematic framework--identifying the key issues and
the themes by which the data was examined and referenced
* indexing--applying the thematic framework to all the data in
textual form by annotating the transcripts with codes
* interpretation--using the charts to define concepts, and find
associations between themes with a view to providing explanations.
The themes and issues emerging from the analysis for each of the
different groups of refugee youth were examined for similarities and
differences and the distilled themes are presented in the results
section. These themes were then subsequently used at Curtin University
to develop and design a CD resource, which was trialled and evaluated in
early 2009.
Results
The thematic analysis from the interviews generated key themes
relating to the educational experiences of the refugee youth.The themes
explored the social, cultural and human contexts of refugee youth lives;
the sense of community cohesion experienced as they resettled into
Australia and their anxieties about the future (Earnest, Housen and
Gillieatt, 2007). The students from refugee backgrounds openly voiced
endemic financial difficulties, talked a great deal about worry and
stress, as well as personal strength and resilience factors and how they
tried to cope with their problems (Silburn et al., 2010; Earnest, de
Mori & Timler, 2010). The analysis, discussion and recommendations
have considered issues of equity, hope, and social justice as the
refugee youth interwove these within the stories of their lives (Hinton
& Earnest, 2010).
Having a sense of direction
Many of the participants described receiving mixed messages about
enrolment, their qualifications and entrance requirements, which nearly
forced them to give up on their dreams of tertiary education.
Participants expressed feelings of having no support in their pursuit of
beginning and completing their degree:
To me the difficult part of getting to uni is the process of
getting admitted ... when you try to use that qualification ... they
completely rubbish it! I almost gave up studying ... It took me three
and a half years to qualify to go to uni. (Sudanese male student)
They just say, you're not fit to be here, go back to TAFE and
see what you can do from there ... When I went to TAFE ... they told me
'Your English is OK, you're not fit to be with us here'.
(Sudanese male student)
Preparation for university--negative and positive experiences
There was a great difference in experiences and satisfaction with
university for students who had completed at least some schooling in
Australia or done a preparatory course before entering university,
compared to those who had commenced directly into a degree program:
In relation to giving preparation classes for a year or so for
refugees is actually, that is what is missing from councils and so many
universities ... I studied in Russia for four years and before we went
through anything in the classroom ... they introduced us to the
language, they introduced us to their culture, even the basics, the
day-to-day, how to greet woman, how to greet even to male. All those
kind of things we went through in language school in Russia. And we
studied for all this. (Oromo male student)
The students who had not received a preparatory course felt at a
disadvantage compared to other students:
If you are by yourself and you are struggling to be competing with
children who are born here and are writing, say, with the computers and
everything. And then we start everything here. (Oromo female student)
Participants who had either spent a few years in high school or who
had done a pre-university course believed that they were just as
prepared as students who had completed all their schooling in Australia:
I was doing foundation studies last year which was really helpful
... It makes you ready for higher education. Like how to work there, how
to give presentations, how to do assignments, how to study, how to write
essays. It was all about that. (Afghan male student)
Difference of teaching styles
There are significant differences between the African, Afghan and
Australian teaching styles. The African and Afghan teaching style was
described as more teacher-centred, with constant reminders to do work
and to focus. No tutorials, group work or presentation assessments were
involved, with the overall style described as 'spoon feeding',
in contrast with descriptions of Australian universities'
student-centred teaching and learning approach, where students are
forced to be more independent learners, do more individual research, are
assessed in a variety of ways and need to be personally organised.
Participants were often overwhelmed by the number of assessments they
have to juggle with course work, in contrast with the end-of-year
examinations they have been accustomed to. Consequently, they struggle
to learn how to be disciplined with time management and to be
self-motivated. The new assessment and participation styles reveal that
they have particular difficulty with meta-cognitive skills, critical
thinking and academic writing:
The style of teaching is quite different ... here we find it every
time, any topic you finish you need to be assessed on the topics, so you
always have lots of assignments. It's not like you wait till the
end of the semester and then you prepare for all, big exam working hard
for 100 per cent, so here, that's one of the big difference.
(Sudanese male student)
You have to be an independent person, you can't rely on
teachers to tell you or for anything so, basically you have to be an
individual, and independent and responsible ... that's what I know,
but so far I haven't really learnt it. (Somali male student)
Once used to the system, some participants appreciated the variety
in approaches:
Well, as the guys said that ... how hard and rigid the education
system back in the country is ... when you're in Australia ...
it's so much easier to study, you have more options ... if you get
50 per cent in an exam, [you can] do a really good essay and ... so it
really gives you more opportunities. (Afghan male student)
Education and learning
The students had varying levels of education before commencing
university. Most participants had experienced interrupted schooling.
They were often the first in their families to obtain university degrees
and felt a great sense of pride at this. Participants expressed
difficulty in relation to academic writing and assessment, having had
little or no experience in the system before starting tertiary study in
Australia. There was a particular emphasis on unfamiliarity with essay
and academic writing:
When I come to uni, I faced really big challenge which is the essay
writing system ... the way you hand in your essay, the way you hand in
your project, online project, I have never used a computer, for example,
before. I can read the books, I do understand. But, understanding what I
read and putting it together, and handing it to the lecturer. That is
the problem. (Oromo male student)
I don't know that assignments exist back home. When I come out
here, assignment is so difficult to write ... say I stay up to write a
2000-word essay, I don't know what does that mean, what do they
want? I used to think, like, I have to write like a book ... I just find
out later you have to read and reference and you have to use ... [your]
own words from discussion. From group work you get some right. (Oromo
female student)
English language competency
Participants had varying years of experience speaking English, yet
all had begun learning English before arriving in Australia. Despite
this, participants felt that their English hindered them from
participating in tutorials, as the discussion moved too fast for them to
effectively understand:
Yeah, I found that, most difficult for me in English, the way you
pronounce the words is different, so I was practising like all the time,
so eventually I could speak it. (Somali male student)
Sometimes you can be there and putting all your attention, but you
find the way this person speaks, you can't pick what you want.
(Sudanese male student)
Differences from non-refugee students
The participants articulated their perceived differences from
non-refugee students in a number of ways. One participant explained that
students from refugee backgrounds are often learning four or five things
at once, compared to non-refugee students who are solely focusing on the
course work. For example, non-refugee students--who are not dealing with
resettlement, acculturation and language problems--only have to learn
the course work in class whereas a refugee student has to learn English,
technology, communication and expected academic styles of assessment at
the same time.
Refugee students were aware they had fewer personal support systems
than other students who had well-established social networks and their
families to support them. Participants felt they were at a disadvantage
from their limited knowledge of Australian culture and history, and that
courses were too focused on local Australian issues, not international
topics that they were more familiar with and could contribute towards
more in discussions:
Most people from refugee backgrounds haven't been to
university before and they don't have anyone to give them advice or
give them help at home. (Somali male student)
Because what happens is we have to learn two or three things at the
same time ... Most people who are here and go to uni, they know they are
going there to learn, but sometimes we go there to learn something from
the class and also something of the lifestyle at the same time (Sudanese
male student)
Learning to navigate the web and use technology
Participants found using the internet and computers the most
challenging new skills to learn. Students consistently noted that the
use of internet for research was the most difficult challenge to
overcome at university. Other new skills such as academic writing,
referencing and participation in tutorials were also important issues,
but students were able to navigate these as the semesters progressed.
Technology persisted as a confronting and frustrating challenge:
I don't know about computers, so my first year was really so
hard ... locating resources on the internet, it's a major challenge
for most of us who come from the developing countries. (Sudanese male
student)
Use of campus services
Although the Muslim students praised Curtin University for its
Muslim services, such as the prayer room and availability of halal food,
the other educational and support services at the university were not as
frequently used. Despite teaching and learning support, counselling,
health, equity, employment and social services being available--and
which would be of great use to the students--many did not use the
services and often found them culturally inappropriate. Participants
were often unaware of these services and therefore did not access them:
Curtin is multicultural you know, everything, there's a lot of
services for us like Muslims and international students ... there's
a prayer area, halal places, you feel ... welcomed, you feel like
you're home in a way. (Somali male student)
Participation in university
Students from refugee backgrounds were not as outspoken as other
students in tutorials and group assignments, often feeling their
contributions were not listened to or taken into consideration. They
tended to remain quiet unless asked directly to participate. This was
partly due to participants finding communication within the university
system new and challenging, confounded by concern over their own levels
of English, and a difficulty in contributing to Australian topics or
feeling lost after an unfamiliar abbreviation or jargon was used or not
explained. Participants also found making friends with Australian
students difficult, making tutorial and group work participation
unnerving:
I'll participate in class discussions, but sometimes the
topics, it's something that I don't like or it's moved
too fast and we can't get it. (Somali male student)
Sometimes you feel isolated. That's why ... I sometimes feel
group work ... it's a waste of a time, because some people in my
group may not want me to contribute. (Sudanese male student)
Role of the university--academic staff and support systems
Opinions of the quantity and quality of the services offered to
students varied. For some participants, compared to experiences in their
countries of origin or transition country, the teaching staff in
Australia, were very supportive:
They're much more helpful here. They don't really care
about your future there [Pakistan]. (Afghan female student)
Yeah, they're willing to help here. They're actually
willing to give up their free time to help you with everything that you
don't understand. (Afghan female student)
For other participants there was dissatisfaction at the level of
understanding and empathy provided:
The uni can't relate to our experience. What background
experience do we have? What, what challenges we came across ... No-one
asked me just about my background. (Oromo male student)
Cultural understanding of the students from refugee backgrounds and
how they still have strong family connections back home that affects
their everyday lives is a critical factor about which academic staff in
Australia have little understanding. Understanding the particular
experiences of students from refugee backgrounds was seen as a vital
component that at times was not apparent and is poignantly revealed in a
remark made by a female Oromo student:
Due to the corrupt government, for example, we have a lot of
problem background which still comes to our class when we are sitting
for lectures. So, the teacher or the lecturer ... never understand what
we are going through ... It's not what we were going through,
it's what we are going through today. For example, I hear the news
from back home that someone is going to be confiscated, or, someone is
going to be persecuted or hanged today, only because of political views
from there. And then I have that news, and sitting for the lecture. And
if I'm not attending, I'll be absent and will lose marks and a
lot of things happening to you, but if I am there, only my body is
there, my mind is not. (Oromo female student)
Participants felt that there was a general lack of understanding or
awareness amongst academic staff concerning the issues that students
from refugee backgrounds have faced before beginning study that
influenced the academic performance. Some participants felt that they
had experienced some form of prejudice from academic staff who assumed
that students from refugee backgrounds possess basic or little
knowledge, skills and education, despite some refugees having had
degrees in their former countries. Although students from refugee
backgrounds aren't familiar with some of the skills needed at
Australian universities, they are highly capable of learning and
adapting and should not be looked down upon as unable to grasp the new
concepts:
There is a pre-mindset from the lecturer or it could be a teacher
that ... he just presented that [topic] you can't understand or you
are not capable of doing what is happening in the class, or what he is
teaching. That is another problem too. (Oromo male student)
There was a difference for one of the participants studying
international studies, where the university staff and fellow students
showed a keen interest in this student's background, given its
relevance to the course material:
Part of that is that ... in our area, international studies,
everyone is aware of issues of refugees and immigration and, you know,
human rights and problems overseas, and underdeveloped countries such as
Afghanistan or Iraq or, you know, Africa ... so, for that reason
everyone is so enthusiastic about knowing ... to know about your culture
and problems and how can they help ... you know, they often ask you,
'How can I help you?' (Afghan male student)
The majority of the participants felt that student support does
exist, particularly for academic writing, but many academic staff who
facilitate these services often do not have a grasp of the specific
subject material. Furthermore, the participants felt that these staff
members do not allow adequate time in which students were able to
effectively talk about and clarify their queries in relation to their
essays and assignments. The support systems available varied between
institutions, with a lack of consistency in the nature and delivery of
programs:
One of the difficulties I have found, in universities, mainly is
support. But in some cases, people who provide that support do not have
any idea of the material that you present them. And sometimes, when you
ask them some kind of terminology, whatever you present to them from
your study in the class--the word from the book and the terminology
you're using, they ask you back 'What do you mean by
this?' ... That's one of the difficulties I've found.
(Oromo male student)
It is different for us, from uni to uni. There is one service that
is drop-in. Just drop in. You have only about 15 minutes or so. But you
have 3000 words, they just roughly go there 'OK, OK, OK' and
then maybe they put a question mark and then they just go through what
it is. But it is a big rush. Just 15 minutes to go through 3000 words is
not easy. (Oromo male student)
Where there were specific programs offered by universities, the
students considered that they were extremely beneficial:
We were assigned with a mentor, a volunteer student from
university, who would show us around the library, how to use the
catalogue, and if you have any problems you have to go to the
counselling department, for special consideration or if you have
problems with your assignments go to learning skills unit and they will
support you. Things like that. (Afghan male student).
Compared to specific programs for students from disadvantaged
backgrounds, participants who were only able to access generic language
or academic writing support services found this to be ineffective and
often cursory. Participants from only one of the universities that were
represented in the focus groups and interviews were able to identify a
support program or system that catered specifically to the needs of
students from refugee backgrounds.
Discussion and recommendations
This article presents much-needed qualitative data that has
previously been lacking in Australian literature on students from
refugee backgrounds at university. As noted, there is a paucity of
research on tertiary educational experiences of students from refugee
backgrounds to date. Some preliminary research has been conducted (Box,
2007) but most focuses on refugee youth at high school in Australia.
This study confirmed several issues highlighted in current refugee
literature and contributed to the much-needed body of literature
surrounding refugee students' experiences at tertiary education.
Despite variation in the sample and the diverse and complex backgrounds
particular to each student, the study drew succinct themes through the
analysis that represented their voices and experiences from their own
perspectives.
Students from refugee backgrounds, particularly those with limited
educational experience, face a number of challenges coping with the
demands of tertiary education in Australia. The experience of university
is often overwhelming given the combination of stressors relative to
resettlement issues and adapting to new educational settings. The
journey, from arriving in Australia, to resettling and completing
tertiary education is a long, arduous process that challenges the
ambition, motivation and resilience of students from refugee
backgrounds. Many of the participants in this study expressed a sense of
anxiety and emotional distress due to carrying the burden of their
refugee background, as well as anxieties and frustrations about the
university culture and academic system; all of this was often compounded
by real and overwhelming financial pressures and by issues that
threatened the maintenance of their psychosocial well-being. Results
from the study also confirmed that for many students from refugee
backgrounds, university as a whole can be a culturally alienating place,
further risking poor student engagement and affecting retention. In
order to succeed, students are forced to quickly learn new academic
skills in order to communicate and participate effectively (Northedge,
2003). The study documented the strategies and problem-solving methods
that these resourceful students employed to develop into successful
learners.
While there are existing services available for all students,
including teaching and learning centres, life skills, counselling and
employment services, these services remain underused and often students
are unaware of them. Additionally, there are no specific tailored
programs of induction into the university community and its services for
students from refugee backgrounds. Programs and teaching methodologies
may need to be developed that enable students to become active members
of an initially foreign learning community and be empowered to develop a
sense of belonging to this culture. Students who are academically
under-prepared require a more specific tailored induction into the
university and its knowledge communities so that they are strategically
positioned and equipped to meet its challenges (Northedge, 2003).
Supporting students to establish this voice is a vital component of
success for students from diverse backgrounds.
Student-derived recommendations
Participants were asked in their interviews to suggest ways in
which universities could better prepare and support them for university
life, and what recommendations they would give to new students
commencing university. Their responses were as follows:
The need for guidance and encouragement to attend university
Participants stressed the need for guidance and encouragement to attend
university, especially at high school. High school students need to be
made aware of the possible courses to study and encouraged to have
dreams and goals. They suggested reaching potential students through
community and church groups and assisting with identified enrolment
challenges. Interestingly, they also expressed a desire that their
mothers and family members should also be encouraged to study and
improve their English language skills and, if possible, gain additional
professional qualifications.
More attention and help especially in the first year at university
Students from refugee backgrounds would like more attention and help,
especially in first year. Participants felt lost and thought the
lecturers were too busy, especially in first year units with so many
students in each class. They suggested two lecturers in larger units,
one to lecture, one to go around offering help. Participants also felt
the need for increased, specialised, one-to-one academic and general
support service for students from refugee backgrounds on campus. The
support that students from refugee backgrounds needed was more than just
language support and greater assistance with how to undertake, write
assignments, use proper referencing and avoid plagiarism. They also felt
that support and counselling staff need to have knowledge of the
experiences of students from refugee backgrounds. They expressed a
desire for increased interaction between academic staff and students
from refugee backgrounds, and for cultural safety and awareness training
to be provided to academic staff.
Offering students from refugee backgrounds a bridging course or
preparatory course Participants felt that offering students from refugee
backgrounds a bridging course or preparatory course before entering
university would equip them with the necessary skills and knowledge of
university culture and expectations. They also felt that their units
should be more international in their focus, as universities must not
assume all students are going to work in Australia upon graduation.
Increased financial support Lastly, the students discussed
financial stress, and felt that more scholarships and financial
assistance need to be made available for students from refugee
backgrounds as a means to reduce stress and the temptation to
discontinue their education for work. Most students were struggling to
cope with the demands of supporting families back home, paying bills in
time, and paying for their own personal needs (the rent, their fees and
groceries).
These recommendations are further supported by recent studies by
Earnest, de Mori and Timler (2010), Joyce and colleagues (2010) and
Silburn and colleagues (2010) that proposed a need for understanding of
refugee student issues, increasing academic awareness of refugee
backgrounds and educational shortcomings (for example, poor English
language skills, lack of continuous schooling and differences in
learning styles) and implementing strategies to improve educational
outcomes for students from refugee backgrounds that include mentoring,
cultural sensitivity training for academics, participation in tutorials
and involving students from refugee backgrounds in student guild
activities.
Conclusion
These recommendations can both help frame future research into the
academic needs of students from refugee backgrounds and also assist in
the development of support programs. This study did not obtain
information on the academic performance of students from refugee
backgrounds and future research could track such progress. While
participants did note that their experiences were not the same as
international students, the aims of this study were not to compare the
educational experiences between refugee and international students. But
the refugee participants in this study who had completed some secondary
schooling in Australia or completed a bridging course commented that
they felt equal to Australian-born students in university readiness.
The participants included in the needs analysis varied in age, the
courses they studied and the number of years they had been in Australia
and at university. Their pre- and post-migration experiences that
contributed to the stressors of resettlement and acculturation in
Australia demand high levels of resilience and determination if they are
to complete university education. In light of this, it is clear that the
multifaceted needs of students from refugee backgrounds require a
coordinated approach from university teaching and support staff that
specifically deal with their needs. Despite these difficulties, this
study has also revealed that universities represent the setting where
many of the hopes of many of these students materialise.
Earnest, Housen & Gillieatt (2007) noted that tertiary
institutions need to develop new methods to impart the necessary skills
and sensitivities for living successfully amid student diversity.
Programs need to be developed that enable students to become active
members of a learning community and have a sense of belonging to this
culture. Students who are under-prepared (that is, who do not have an
understanding of how universities operate and how to succeed within its
culture) require a more specific tailored induction into the university
culture and its knowledge communities so that they are equipped to meet
its challenges and expectations (Northedge, 2003). Previous studies
suggest that, given the challenges students from refugee backgrounds
face at high school, university studies might be unrealistic for many
students from refugee backgrounds (Cassity & Gow, 2005; Olliff &
Couch, 2005). Participants of this study were extremely motivated and
inspired to achieve their career objectives, and rated education as one
of their top priorities.
The study has documented that there is a need for greater
understanding to adequately respond to the needs of students from
refugee backgrounds. This requires deeper cross-cultural awareness and
avenues for communication so that students from refugee backgrounds
become familiar with the expectations of their teachers and universities
and vice versa. The results of the needs analysis have been used to
specifically design and develop CDs for students from refugee
backgrounds and for academics to enhance their understanding of the
needs of students from refugee backgrounds. The CDs were trialled,
evaluated and modified in the first semester of 2010 at Curtin
University and will be made available to universities across Australia.
Although most students from refugee backgrounds had experienced
disrupted schooling, multiple transitions before final resettlement in
Australia and challenges associated with trauma and resettlement, all
were confident that, with increased support, they would succeed at
university and fulfil their aspirations. Future research on the needs of
students from refugee backgrounds, together with the evaluation of
support programs, could be of substantial benefit to students from
refugee backgrounds and to universities in Australia. It is hoped that
the voices and needs of students from refugee backgrounds in
universities will be heard and their concerns dealt with so that they
successfully complete university studies and encourage other youth who
have come to Australia on humanitarian visas to commence tertiary
education. Despite multiple difficulties in commencing and completing
tertiary education, the dedication and resilience of these students to
education is indisputable.
Acknowledgements
We would like to thank Healthway (the Western Australian Health
Promotion Foundation) for funding the study. We also thank Ms Negah
Rahmani for her assistance with data collection at Monash University.
Last but not the least our thanks to the students from refugee
backgrounds for sharing their experiences.
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Jaya Earnest
Curtin University
Andrew Joyce
Monash University
Gabriella de Mori
Curtin University
Genevieve Silvagni
Cardinia-Casey Community Health Service
Jaya Earnest is Associate Professor and Postgraduate Research
Coordinator in the Centre for International Health at Curtin University
of Technology. Email: j.earnest@curtin.edu.au
Andrew Joyce is a Lecturer in the Department of Health Social
Science at Monash University and works with Southern Health as a health
promotion worker for the Cardinia--Casey Community Health Service in
Melbourne.
Gabriella de Mori is a Research Assistant in the Centre for
International Health at Curtin University of Technology.
Genevieve Silvagni is a Health Promotion Practitioner at the
Cardinia--Casey Community Health Service in Melbourne.